Blather, Rinse, Repeat: An Ethnography of Conspiracy Theory

November 9th, 2009 - 

conference

I did a talk this weekend just gone at the Dublin Paranormal Conference, where I talked through my virtual ethnography, using prezi.com. Press play.

http://www.youtube.com/view_play_list?p=361306D76B332F53

And this is the link to the presentation for you to explore.

I’ll try to summarise two or three specific things which relate back to the themes and readings we’ve been looking at these last few weeks.

Inhabitance

My field site, as discussed in previous posts, was the 9/11 conspiracy theory movies, seeing them as the hub at the centre of the whole 9/11 truth movement, a sort of totem where the community draws energy and direction from.  From these movies (listed in the prezi) comes (I assert) a number of behaviours which I wanted to observe. A guiding principle in this was the following quote from Hine:

‘Ethnography in this strategy becomes as much a process of following connections as it is period of inhabitance. In similar vein Marcus suggests that ethnography could (should?) be adapted to ‘examine the circulation of cultutal meanings, objects and identities in diffuse time-space’. He suggests a range of strategies for ethnographers to construct fields in the absence of bounded sites, including the following of people, things, metaphors, narratives, biographies and conflicts‘ [emphasis added]

From this notion, I was attempting to identify a number of these metaphors, narratives and conflicts. This was in order to try to identify how this community arrived at an understanding or creation of authenticity. Again from Hine:

The point for the ethnographer is not to bring some external criterion for judging whether it is safe to believe what informants say, but rather to come to understand how it is that informants judge authenticity.

A neutral, bias-free search for methods of authenticity-creation seemed crucial to me for several reasons. Firstly, the 9/11 conspiracy theories are hugely emotive. Those wandering into the field who seem to have a debunking agenda (as I have had in the past) can be met with hostility.  Secondly, such a search would help me (I hoped) to identify the ‘digital winks’ which I was looking for.

Digital winks

I was struck by Clifford Geertz’s notion of ‘thick descriptions’ with the specific example of the wink. A thin description would catalogue the existence of the wink only, whereas a thick description would explain the context of that wink.

So what does  a 9/11 conspiracy theory ‘wink’ look like? I tentatively identified three: the use of the terms, ‘the truth’, ‘they’ and ‘them’. Taking a specific example from Zeitgeist: the movie, I was struck by the number of times the movie’s narrator makes references to ‘the truth’. The second was the use of the interchangable terms ‘they’ and ‘them’ in reference to the shady forces at work behind the scenes of the 9/11 conspiracy theories – with little specific reference or explanation of who ‘they’ or ‘them’ were. This is a ‘wink’ which is replicated numerous times across the 9/11 truth movement – and indeed not just by the conspiracy theorists, but also the debunkers of the 9/11 theories – in documentaries such as the BBC ‘Conspiracy Files’ shows, where a narrator routinely refer to the conspiracy theorists as ‘they’ or ‘them’ without clearly specifying who they are referring to.

At first glance this may seem a less than perfect research methodology, but perhaps also this is indication of an inherent feature of collectively constructed online materials.

Conflicts

During the course of my ethnography, I began to notice a process which I came (cynicaly, I must admit) to label ‘Blather, Rinse, Repeat’. This is where the conspiracy theorist gives an assertion about an eyewitness or commenter connected to the events of 9/11, the person at the centre of the quote then rebuffs that assertion and which is followed by the conpiracy theorist simply rejecting the clarification of the comments and referring back to the original quotes. Such a process seems to enable the conspiracy theorist to authenticate his position. The following is an example taken from the BBC ‘Conspiracy Files’ 2007 documentary:

YouTube Preview Image

So we have the original assertion from Dylan Avery (maker of ‘Loose Change’), the clarification from the man he was quoting (Barry Jennings) and Avery’s subsequent rejection of the clarification in preference for repeating the original ‘misquote’ and assertion. Within this process, there seems to be no scope for an informant to clarify their original statement or any attempt to contact the informant to ask if they would like to comment. Authenticity, it would seem,  is not created from the gathering of testimony or ‘facts’ but rather from the creation of a selective narrative and the rejection of anything which would compromise that narrative.

A second example is the  series of  quotes  attributed to Wally Miller – the coroner from Somerset County who was at the site of the crashed Flight 93 shortly after the incident.  In searching for clips about this, I came across the following video on Youtube which I believe illustrates the ‘Blather, Rinse, Repeat’ process. What we have here is a clip taken from the same BBC documentary as above, but which has been top and tailed by the Youtube account holder with his own interpretation. Watch how Miller is confronted with the assertion of what he said, how he rebuts it with a a clarification of what he said and then how the conspiracy theorist simply rejects the clarification and returns to quote what Miller is alleged to have said in the first place – despite the fact that Miller has just categorically stated that he did not say that:

YouTube Preview Image

In a sense the argument shifts entirely – from a debate around the truth of the conspiracy theorists original assertion to a debate about the authenticity of the source. The digital, unbounded nature of the content seems to provide a path from arguing about the issue to arguing about validity of sources – shifting responsibility for the original work to a network of sources. 

If a cyborg pedagogy explains (and celebrates) the fractured nature of information and postmodern ‘meaning-making’, outlining the emerging shape of online learning then perhaps a cyborg conspiracy theory is what is required to explain the narratives at the heart of the 9/11 conspiracy theory movies – where a fractured, multi-located narrative is sculpted from an online collective which does not speak with one voice and frequently listens with only one ear.

Week 6 Summary

November 5th, 2009 - 

Again, my apologies for the late posting of this.

Week 6 has seen me ploughing into my chosen subject matter for a virtual ethnography – the 9/11 conspiracy theories. As previously stated, my objective here is not to determine whether the 9/11 conspiracy theories are ‘true’ or not, but rather to determine how members of that community determine ‘truth’ themselves.

This is proving a great deal trickier than I thought. Very simply, the size of the of the field site is enormous. Bearing in mind the short amount of time for this, I’ve had to pare back my ambitions for this quite a bit.

The discussion forums (my first port of call) are numerous, sprawling and really quite difficult to focus on. I’m not averse to the idea of studying a fora, but looking for the ‘winks’ which Geertz describes (in order to carry out ‘thick descriptions’) is proving much, much trickier than I thought.

So, I’ve decided to focus on the 9/11 conspiracy theory movies. There’s a plethora of them out there and, in point of fact, they are the seminal element in the birth of the 9/11 Truth movement. I know that an online movie doesn’t quite fit the classic definition of a ‘field site’ and that seeing these movies as a community might be open to challenges, but for me they are the kernel at the heart of the nut: generating debate, modelling behaviour and narrative structures, informing use of language, metaphor – in a sense acting as the ‘totems’ at the heart of the community (to borrow from Durkheim: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Totemism#Totemism) – a place to gather, get energised, seek connections and like-minded souls.

My lifestream for week 6 is reflective of this shift in focus with more links to the movies themselves and the numerous sites, debunking, rebunking and re-debunking.

In terms of how I am framing this, this quote from Hine is central:

Ethnography in this strategy becomes as much a process of following connections as it is period of inhabitance. In similar vein Marcus suggests that ethnography could (should?) be adapted to ‘examine the circulation of cultutal meanings, objetcs and identities in diffuse time-space’. He suggests a range of strategies for ethnographers to construct fields in the absence of bounded sites, including the following of people, things, metaphors, narratives, biographies and conflict
- Hine, C (2000) The virtual objects of ethnography, chapter 3 of Virtual ethnography. London: Sage. pp41-66

In particular it’s that notion of ‘following people, things, metaphors, narratives, biographies and conflict’ that resonated. In these 9/11 movies certain narratives get repeated again and again – the collapse/’demolition’ of WTC 7, the ideas of black ops propaganda, the details about the structural flaws in the towers and so on. I’m intending to pick out about three or four of these and track them across the various movies and the blogs that cascade out from them…

Week 5 Summary

October 27th, 2009 - 

Week 5 has been the best so far for me. As I said in a mail to Jen and Sian earlier this week:

‘I studied Anthrpology for a year at Uni (having to drop it after year one to concentrate on other subjects) and I’ve always harboured fantasies about going back to it. In a way this course feels slightly like I have. Having a ball.’

In addition to snippets of the main readings from this block, my lifestream (notably my Tumblr feed, which becomes more and more useful by the day) for this week is a mish-mash of quotes, sketches, videos and random links all around the subject of ‘virtual enthnography’. Clifford Geertz and his ‘thick descriptions’ have really caught my attention.

Here are some that have really resonated for me and will feature as guiding principles as I set out to do my ethnography:

‘The concept of culture I espouse is essentially a semiotic one. Believing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in search of meaning.’

Geertz, C. ‘Thick description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture’ in ‘Anthropology in Theory’ eds. Moore & Sanders. Blackwell, Oxford, 2006.

And then Hine:

The point for the ethnographer is not to bring some external criterion for judging whether it is safe to believe what informants say, but rather to come to understand how it is that informants judge authenticity.

Hine, C (2000) The virtual objects of ethnography, chapter 3 of Virtual ethnography. London: Sage. pp41-66

But what about ethical issues?

Ethical concerns over netnography turn on early concerns about whether online forums are to be considered a private or a public site, and about what constitutes informed consent in cyberspace (see Paccagnella 1997). In a major departure from traditional methods, netnography uses cultural information that is not given specifically, and in confidence, to the researcher. The consumers who originally created the data do not necessarily intend or welcome its use in research representations. Netnography therefore offers specific guidelines regarding when to cite online posters and authors, how to cite them, what to consider in an ethical netnographic representation, when to ask permission, and when permission is not necessary (Kozinets 2002). As quoted on Wikipedia.

And finally, the notion which has struck me the most:

Clifford Geertz’s own fieldwork used elements of a phenomenological approach to fieldwork, tracing not just the doings of people, but the cultural elements themselves. For example, if within a group of people, winking was a communicative gesture, he sought to first determine what kinds of things a wink might mean (it might mean several things). Then, he sought to determine in what contexts winks were used, and whether, as one moved about a region, winks remained meaningful in the same way. In this way, cultural boundaries of communication could be explored, as opposed to using linguistic boundaries or notions about residence. Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline, moved outside that outline to talk about “webs” instead of “outlines” [15] of culture.  From Wikipedia.

I’ll return to this notion of ‘digital winks’ in another blog post, specifically trying to see how Hine’s observations about virtual ethnography might be compatible with Geertz’s ‘thick descriptions’.

Linkage

Finally, I also bookmarked a few blogs and papers that may be of interest to others.

Researching the Internet, by Dr. John Postill, Sheffield Hallam University.

Virtual Ethnography Course, University of Philipines

VKS Ethnography Blog

Ethnography.com

There’s more what that came from, in my Delicious feed.